Last, Malaysia is forced to also confront its place in global politics for the first time. Mr Anwar’s stance on the war in Gaza, where he publicly criticised Israel’s actions as the ‘height of barbarism’, has been vocal and consistent, locally or abroad. At the same time, he had also made it known that Malaysia intends to play a key role, especially in blocs of emerging economies and the global south, like BRICS, by meeting with President Vladimir Putin in Russia at the Eastern Economic Forum.
The divide at home is between factions who believe in Malaysia playing an international activist role and another who believes Malaysia should remain passive internationally and focus instead on domestic affairs.
IN AN UNENVIABLE POSITION
These ideological splits are new but they are the underlying complexity that are often missed when we evaluate the current state of Pakatan Harapan supporters. These splits risk diluting Mr Anwar’s mandate to carry out more and deeper reforms, as he increasingly has to rely on the strength of his individual leadership and charisma to build alliances to get difficult decisions through.
But there is one last split, even relating to something as homogenous as corruption, which is the degree of retribution for Najib’s case. What punishment is considered sufficient to be just deserts for the crime of 1MDB? Could we allow for lighter sentencing or pardoning, even partial? Should we accept his apology if made publicly and openly, though not completely? Should we allow for house arrest towards the end of his sentence?
None of these questions has obvious answers or positions. The government is put in an unenviable position, of needing to push through tough reforms that would inevitably upset some, working with partners of opposing interests, and a former prime minister whose fate still affects the government, not even halfway through his jail term.
James Chai is a political analyst, columnist and the author of Sang Kancil (Penguin Random House).
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