This has been a constant theme, together with statements that the civilian death toll is unacceptable. The government appears to largely ignore the Hamas human shield tactics and Israel’s efforts to evacuate civilians from harm’s way, described by some military experts including John Spencer as unprecedented.
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Australia’s voting record on Israel at the UN, where the Jewish state is frequently censured, has also deteriorated. Australia now abstains or even supports what it should oppose, as we saw again just last week on two draft resolutions including one on Palestinian sovereignty.
Other examples include supporting a motion last December demanding a ceasefire but not even mentioning Hamas. The government had, quite rightly, frequently stated Hamas has no role in Gaza’s future, yet supported a ceasefire that would have left Hamas in power.
Disappointingly, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese hasn’t visited Israel since October 7. Foreign Minister Penny Wong did, but unlike many other visiting dignitaries, refused to pay her respects by visiting the sites of the Hamas atrocities.
It was also galling that a junior minister dressed down Israel’s ambassador in June, warning Australia wouldn’t support Israel going to war with Hezbollah to stop its rocket attacks that have driven more than 60,000 Israelis from their homes.
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After Israel tragically accidentally killed aid worker Zomi Frankcom, Wong insisted on continuing to call Israel’s strike “intentional”, even when investigations by Israel and Wong’s specifically appointed special adviser found there was a misapprehension that Hamas was part of the convoy.
Even on the October 7 anniversary, the government couldn’t contain its condolence motion to the victims, also calling for a ceasefire and a two-state solution.
The constant blaming of Israel for civilian deaths and other one-sided, misplaced attacks on Israel’s conduct have undoubtedly contributed to an atmosphere permissive to the sharp rise in antisemitism since October 2023. The federal government condemns the antisemitism, but even here, its lacklustre conduct has gravely disappointed most of the Jewish community.
It has been insufficiently critical of the often antisemitic aspects of the anti-Israel demonstrations and camps. Also, government figures seemingly feel unable to mention antisemitism without adding “and Islamophobia”, as if antisemitism alone is unworthy of discussion.
Most Australian Jews feel great angst that Jewish students and staff feel unsafe on university campuses. The government blocked an opposition bill to establish a judicial enquiry with royal commission powers, clearly the best approach. Instead, it referred the problem to a parliamentary committee with fewer investigative powers.
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The government’s own political calculations no doubt inform its actions. However, the overall effect has been to degrade Australia’s relationship with our most important Middle Eastern ally, and increasingly with our US ally, and to make Australia’s Jewish community, suffering its worst ever wave of antisemitism, feel more isolated, and, it is strongly arguable, to inadvertently contribute to that surge of antisemitism itself.
Dr Colin Rubenstein is executive director and Jamie Hyams is director of public affairs at the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council.
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